My Thoughts on the John Ross Article “A Report from the Red Alert”
My Thoughts on the John Ross Article “A Report from the Red Alert”
BY: Mary Ann Tenuto-Sanchez
In his latest article about the Zapatistas entitled “A Report from the Red Alert; Zapatistas at Critical Crossroads,” John Ross recaps the current situation of the Other Campaign, the apparent results of the presidential election and the aftermath of the police attack on San Salvador Atenco. This article has just been published on the CounterPunch web site - www.counterpunch.org
Ross begins by describing what he thinks the Red Alert means to the Zapatista communities in Chiapas. A portion of his description is accurate, but important parts of it are not. First, Ross alleges that the Red Alert orders the local autonomous governments (the Good Government Committees) to disband. That is false. Ross is referring to the regional government structure, what I call the Good Government Juntas. The Juntas are not ordered to disband. They are ordered to stop meeting in their public offices (which are closed) and to stop serving the public. Their offices are in the Caracoles and, therefore, the Caracoles are closed. But, the Juntas are definitely not disbanded! They continue to function as to internal regional matters. The local governments are the autonomous municipal councils (county councils). They govern the civilian affairs of the many local autonomous Zapatista municipalities (counties). They are not ordered to disband either. They continue to function as to internal matters only and do not meet in their regular offices. [The number of autonomous municipalities is higher than the number of 29 which Ross uses.]
Subcomandante Marcos recently spoke about the Red Alert in Atenco. An article published in La Jornada quoted him as saying:
“When the companeras and companeros are on Red Alert it means that the
insurgent troops are prepared to fight if they attack us. And it also means that the
communities are like on strike.”
(see, www.jornada.com.mx/2006/07/28/018n1pol.php)
The same article reports that Marcos stated: “If you are going to the Caracoles, which is where people from all over the world go, everything is closed. The cooperatives and all are not functioning.” Marcos added that “If anyone goes there, he is not going to find anyone to speak with. He cannot talk to the comandantes, the Juntas or the autonomous counties. They continue functioning, but only internally, not for the outside.” And finally, he said that “there are no contacts with the outside, but if someone gets sick our health promoters attend to him, and classes continue in the autonomous schools.”
The accurate part of Ross’ description of the Red Alert refers to the cessation of NGO projects. It is true that if an NGO was giving training classes to health promoters or education promoters, the classes stopped. However, the education promoters (teachers) are indigenous Zapatista community members, and they remain in the communities to teach the children. The same is true for the health promoters. The schools and clinics are open to care for the Zapatista population. But, those who work for the NGO’s have to return to their offices, mostly in San Cristobal de las Casas. They cannot remain inside the communities. Some of these NGO workers are internationals, but many are Mexican. Since the Caracoles are closed, the national and international peace campers are no longer inside the Caracoles in peace camps. However, there are other peace camps in many communities throughout the conflict zone. Some of them remain open to national and international peace campers, depending on the local situation.
As to Ross’ claim that members of Zapatista base communities are restricted in their ability to travel, I would like to know his authority for saying that. Does he mean, for example, that a young Zapatista who works in a city like Altamirano or Ocosingo but lives in a rural Zapatista village has to give up his or her job during a Red Alert? I seriously doubt that! Ross adds: “commerce and other connecting points with the outside world are broken off.” Who does he consider to be the “outside world?” Does he mean non-Zapatistas living in a community down the road? Or, is he referring to those members of civil society who visit the Zapatistas and attend language school or shop for crafts?
Ross’ next assertion is that Subcomandante Marcos can call the Red Alert without consulting the CCRI-GC commanders. I do not know how the political-military arm of the EZLN functions and do not know if this is true or not. It is clandestine! However, common sense and organizational experience both tell me that to maintain a Red Alert for three (not two, as Ross states) months, it is simply not credible that there is not “un chingo” (a whole lot) of consultation going on between Marcos and the CCRI-CG. Marcos’ recent announcement that some commanders would travel to Mexico City to assist in the defense of the Atenco political prisoners indicates that there is on-going communication and consultation. If Ross’ underlying criticism is that the Red Alert is undemocratic because it was made by the military arm of the Zapatistas, hello! Armies are not democratic.
Ross next quotes an anonymous “fact-finding mission” of “observers” who went to “the Zapatista autonomous zone” and came back saying that the Red Alert was “disproportionate” and unjustified.” Of course this would be the view of NGO workers. They cannot do their jobs. The Red Alert is indeed very hard on the civilian communities which produce goods to sell to national and international visitors and can no longer do so. It is also very hard on NGO workers, academics and many others of us who are accustomed to visiting the autonomous communities. I would expect a lot of disgruntled folks!
Ross goes on to repeat speculation about a rift between “civil Zapatismo” and the political-military structure, although he acknowledges that this is just rumor. The next leap is to assert that the Sixth Declaration underscored “this internal conflict.” Ross is referring to the portion of the “What We Are Now” part of The Sixth where the process of gradual conversion from military to civilian control is described. I read that part differently. I do not read it as decribing an internal split, but as being honest about the difficulty of this gradual transition. The Sixth goes on to tell how this tension was addressed. It doesn’t take a rocket scientist, as they say, to figure out that a change of power from one structure to another will have its tensions! But Ross goes on to cite what he calls “reception committees” as an example of the political-military structure not relinquishing control. What Ross refers to as the “reception committee” is what was referred to as the “casa de vigilancia” (vigilance house) in the series of comunicados which announced the creation of the Juntas in 2003. I think the Oventic Caracol may have changed the name in order to cater to visitors from civil society. But, in the Caracol located in La Garrucha, they called it like it was: the Casa de Vigilancia, a security check and also a facilitation mechanism. The Casas de Vigilancia were turned over to civilian control following the consultations held during the Red Alert in 2005!
The next target of criticism is the “Sup’s top-down control of the Other Campaign.”
Ross says this is the domain of the Sixth Commission, which is correct, but then repeats speculation that the Sixth Commission is limited to Marcos. To those of us who participated in the preparatory meetings for La Otra or attended the plenaria in La Garrucha, this is absurd. The Sixth Commission was publicly introduced at the plenaria in La Garrucha and members of the regional Sixth Commission were introduced at the preparatory meetings. Recordings of these meetings were sent out to civil society and appear on the EZLN web page.
The next criticism is aimed at the alternative press, which Ross thinks has been too positive about the Other Campaign. Ross did not accompany the Other Campaign and neither did I, so I would refer folks to the comments of Al Giordano and John Gibler posted on www.narconews.com Both of them accompanied the Other Campaign as journalists.
The next assertion is that attendance has dwindled at Other Campaign events. Surprise, surprise! Mexico is embroiled in a crisis over whether it is a democracy or not. The focus of this attention is Andrés Manuel López Obrador and the PRD, not Marcos and the Other Campaign. Given López Obrador’s militant fight to overturn the alleged fraud, a fraud acknowledged by Marcos and a fight he acknowledges is necessary, one might expect this situation to continue until the electoral drama plays itself out. Interestingly, Ross admits that the Zapatista position regarding elections and political parties may “have more scratch” due to the allegedly fraudulent election results. In other words, when the fuss about the election is finally resolved, some people will take another look at what the Other Campaign’s anti-electoral position means and consider joining it.
But Ross tells us that Marcos “is said to be about to call upon the Zapatista communities in Chiapas to march on Mexico City, a move that can only occur once the Red Alert is lifted.” So, he asks a couple of young Zapatistas he meets on the road and thinks that they agree with this. Whether that is about to happen or not, it is up to the EZLN to announce it, not John Ross. All that has been made public so far is that some commanders are going to Mexico City to join Marcos in the struggle to free the political prisoners from Atenco.
I agree that the current political situation is a very difficult one to navigate. The way the presidential election turned out and how it is being pursued by López Obrador is an immediate issue, much bigger than the Other Campaign to voters. Thus, with the Other Campaign pushed into the background of the Mexican political scene, these are difficult times for Marcos and the Other Campaign. I think there are legitimate questions to ask about the Other Campaign; such as, was it wise to take such a hardline position against the PRD and López Obrador at the outset of the Other Campaign, and was it wise to postpone the Other Campaign and call the Red Alert because of the police terrorism in San Salvador Atenco? The Zapatistas took calculated risks when they staked out these positions and only time will tell what the consequences might be. Those of us, like myself, who have supported the Zapatistas for many years can only await the result and continue to offer what political support is requested.
I was also in Chiapas during this Red Alert and heard all kinds of rumor and speculation, albeit not what Ross claims to have heard. However, I do not feel rumor, speculation and erroneous factual statements are really helpful to anyone in getting through this difficult period. Therefore, I chose not to dignify what I heard by repeating it.
______________________________________________
Mary Ann Tenuto Sanchez is a founding member of the Chiapas Support Committee in Oakland, California and a writer for Chiapas Update. She is currently writing a book about her experiences in Chiapas and can be reached at cezmat@igc.org
BY: Mary Ann Tenuto-Sanchez
In his latest article about the Zapatistas entitled “A Report from the Red Alert; Zapatistas at Critical Crossroads,” John Ross recaps the current situation of the Other Campaign, the apparent results of the presidential election and the aftermath of the police attack on San Salvador Atenco. This article has just been published on the CounterPunch web site - www.counterpunch.org
Ross begins by describing what he thinks the Red Alert means to the Zapatista communities in Chiapas. A portion of his description is accurate, but important parts of it are not. First, Ross alleges that the Red Alert orders the local autonomous governments (the Good Government Committees) to disband. That is false. Ross is referring to the regional government structure, what I call the Good Government Juntas. The Juntas are not ordered to disband. They are ordered to stop meeting in their public offices (which are closed) and to stop serving the public. Their offices are in the Caracoles and, therefore, the Caracoles are closed. But, the Juntas are definitely not disbanded! They continue to function as to internal regional matters. The local governments are the autonomous municipal councils (county councils). They govern the civilian affairs of the many local autonomous Zapatista municipalities (counties). They are not ordered to disband either. They continue to function as to internal matters only and do not meet in their regular offices. [The number of autonomous municipalities is higher than the number of 29 which Ross uses.]
Subcomandante Marcos recently spoke about the Red Alert in Atenco. An article published in La Jornada quoted him as saying:
“When the companeras and companeros are on Red Alert it means that the
insurgent troops are prepared to fight if they attack us. And it also means that the
communities are like on strike.”
(see, www.jornada.com.mx/2006/07/28/018n1pol.php)
The same article reports that Marcos stated: “If you are going to the Caracoles, which is where people from all over the world go, everything is closed. The cooperatives and all are not functioning.” Marcos added that “If anyone goes there, he is not going to find anyone to speak with. He cannot talk to the comandantes, the Juntas or the autonomous counties. They continue functioning, but only internally, not for the outside.” And finally, he said that “there are no contacts with the outside, but if someone gets sick our health promoters attend to him, and classes continue in the autonomous schools.”
The accurate part of Ross’ description of the Red Alert refers to the cessation of NGO projects. It is true that if an NGO was giving training classes to health promoters or education promoters, the classes stopped. However, the education promoters (teachers) are indigenous Zapatista community members, and they remain in the communities to teach the children. The same is true for the health promoters. The schools and clinics are open to care for the Zapatista population. But, those who work for the NGO’s have to return to their offices, mostly in San Cristobal de las Casas. They cannot remain inside the communities. Some of these NGO workers are internationals, but many are Mexican. Since the Caracoles are closed, the national and international peace campers are no longer inside the Caracoles in peace camps. However, there are other peace camps in many communities throughout the conflict zone. Some of them remain open to national and international peace campers, depending on the local situation.
As to Ross’ claim that members of Zapatista base communities are restricted in their ability to travel, I would like to know his authority for saying that. Does he mean, for example, that a young Zapatista who works in a city like Altamirano or Ocosingo but lives in a rural Zapatista village has to give up his or her job during a Red Alert? I seriously doubt that! Ross adds: “commerce and other connecting points with the outside world are broken off.” Who does he consider to be the “outside world?” Does he mean non-Zapatistas living in a community down the road? Or, is he referring to those members of civil society who visit the Zapatistas and attend language school or shop for crafts?
Ross’ next assertion is that Subcomandante Marcos can call the Red Alert without consulting the CCRI-GC commanders. I do not know how the political-military arm of the EZLN functions and do not know if this is true or not. It is clandestine! However, common sense and organizational experience both tell me that to maintain a Red Alert for three (not two, as Ross states) months, it is simply not credible that there is not “un chingo” (a whole lot) of consultation going on between Marcos and the CCRI-CG. Marcos’ recent announcement that some commanders would travel to Mexico City to assist in the defense of the Atenco political prisoners indicates that there is on-going communication and consultation. If Ross’ underlying criticism is that the Red Alert is undemocratic because it was made by the military arm of the Zapatistas, hello! Armies are not democratic.
Ross next quotes an anonymous “fact-finding mission” of “observers” who went to “the Zapatista autonomous zone” and came back saying that the Red Alert was “disproportionate” and unjustified.” Of course this would be the view of NGO workers. They cannot do their jobs. The Red Alert is indeed very hard on the civilian communities which produce goods to sell to national and international visitors and can no longer do so. It is also very hard on NGO workers, academics and many others of us who are accustomed to visiting the autonomous communities. I would expect a lot of disgruntled folks!
Ross goes on to repeat speculation about a rift between “civil Zapatismo” and the political-military structure, although he acknowledges that this is just rumor. The next leap is to assert that the Sixth Declaration underscored “this internal conflict.” Ross is referring to the portion of the “What We Are Now” part of The Sixth where the process of gradual conversion from military to civilian control is described. I read that part differently. I do not read it as decribing an internal split, but as being honest about the difficulty of this gradual transition. The Sixth goes on to tell how this tension was addressed. It doesn’t take a rocket scientist, as they say, to figure out that a change of power from one structure to another will have its tensions! But Ross goes on to cite what he calls “reception committees” as an example of the political-military structure not relinquishing control. What Ross refers to as the “reception committee” is what was referred to as the “casa de vigilancia” (vigilance house) in the series of comunicados which announced the creation of the Juntas in 2003. I think the Oventic Caracol may have changed the name in order to cater to visitors from civil society. But, in the Caracol located in La Garrucha, they called it like it was: the Casa de Vigilancia, a security check and also a facilitation mechanism. The Casas de Vigilancia were turned over to civilian control following the consultations held during the Red Alert in 2005!
The next target of criticism is the “Sup’s top-down control of the Other Campaign.”
Ross says this is the domain of the Sixth Commission, which is correct, but then repeats speculation that the Sixth Commission is limited to Marcos. To those of us who participated in the preparatory meetings for La Otra or attended the plenaria in La Garrucha, this is absurd. The Sixth Commission was publicly introduced at the plenaria in La Garrucha and members of the regional Sixth Commission were introduced at the preparatory meetings. Recordings of these meetings were sent out to civil society and appear on the EZLN web page.
The next criticism is aimed at the alternative press, which Ross thinks has been too positive about the Other Campaign. Ross did not accompany the Other Campaign and neither did I, so I would refer folks to the comments of Al Giordano and John Gibler posted on www.narconews.com Both of them accompanied the Other Campaign as journalists.
The next assertion is that attendance has dwindled at Other Campaign events. Surprise, surprise! Mexico is embroiled in a crisis over whether it is a democracy or not. The focus of this attention is Andrés Manuel López Obrador and the PRD, not Marcos and the Other Campaign. Given López Obrador’s militant fight to overturn the alleged fraud, a fraud acknowledged by Marcos and a fight he acknowledges is necessary, one might expect this situation to continue until the electoral drama plays itself out. Interestingly, Ross admits that the Zapatista position regarding elections and political parties may “have more scratch” due to the allegedly fraudulent election results. In other words, when the fuss about the election is finally resolved, some people will take another look at what the Other Campaign’s anti-electoral position means and consider joining it.
But Ross tells us that Marcos “is said to be about to call upon the Zapatista communities in Chiapas to march on Mexico City, a move that can only occur once the Red Alert is lifted.” So, he asks a couple of young Zapatistas he meets on the road and thinks that they agree with this. Whether that is about to happen or not, it is up to the EZLN to announce it, not John Ross. All that has been made public so far is that some commanders are going to Mexico City to join Marcos in the struggle to free the political prisoners from Atenco.
I agree that the current political situation is a very difficult one to navigate. The way the presidential election turned out and how it is being pursued by López Obrador is an immediate issue, much bigger than the Other Campaign to voters. Thus, with the Other Campaign pushed into the background of the Mexican political scene, these are difficult times for Marcos and the Other Campaign. I think there are legitimate questions to ask about the Other Campaign; such as, was it wise to take such a hardline position against the PRD and López Obrador at the outset of the Other Campaign, and was it wise to postpone the Other Campaign and call the Red Alert because of the police terrorism in San Salvador Atenco? The Zapatistas took calculated risks when they staked out these positions and only time will tell what the consequences might be. Those of us, like myself, who have supported the Zapatistas for many years can only await the result and continue to offer what political support is requested.
I was also in Chiapas during this Red Alert and heard all kinds of rumor and speculation, albeit not what Ross claims to have heard. However, I do not feel rumor, speculation and erroneous factual statements are really helpful to anyone in getting through this difficult period. Therefore, I chose not to dignify what I heard by repeating it.
______________________________________________
Mary Ann Tenuto Sanchez is a founding member of the Chiapas Support Committee in Oakland, California and a writer for Chiapas Update. She is currently writing a book about her experiences in Chiapas and can be reached at cezmat@igc.org
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